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Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Open Letter to John McCain. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Open Letter to John McCain. Sort by date Show all posts

Thursday, August 12, 2010

An Open Letter to John McCain-Will you do the right thing at this crucial time? We will see. We the People, history and God will be your final Judge


An Open Letter To: Senator John McCain

From: CDR Charles Kerchner (Ret)

Senator McCain, your Democratic/Progressive/Socialist opponents questioned your “natural born Citizenship” status in the 2008 election. The question I ask is, why didn’t you question Obama’s “natural born Citizen” status? That is the obvious response in a political battle. Especially with all the talk about Obama’s mysterious early life narrative back then and that continues to this day … but now as a roar as his phony life story is revealed more and more every day. Or John, did you make a deal with the devil in the Senate cloak room to get the weaselly worded SR 511 passed for you by Senator Leahy (and backed by Obama himself on your behalf) in return for you keeping quiet about Obama during the campaign and not asking anything about Obama’s “natural born Citizenship” flaws, and all his hidden and sealed early life records. You and your establishment Republican control of the RNC allowed Obama a total pass on that. Why? The deal you made with the Democratic/Progressive Caucus leadership and the DNC Party stinks to high heaven. Is this an example of your reaching across the aisle to work with the Democrats/Progressives!?

You sold out for personal protection and hiding of your own natural born citizenship questions and flaws. You made a deal to protect Obama. You would not even mention Obama’s middle name or his questionable background in the campaign. You chewed out anyone who did. You sold out to the DEMs and Progressive Caucus to get SR 511 passed for you to make your natural born Citizenship questions by the DEM operatives “problems” go away. Instead of both of you candidates taking both your stories openly to the American people in the various debates and laying it all out to them and explaining it to them in the primary debates, you both chose to hide it and silence it and try to bury it. If you both were so cock-sure of your “natural born Citizenship” status, why didn’t both of you debate this issue before We the People in the primaries!?

John, you sold out the country and the U.S. Constitution, specifically Article II, Section 1, Clause 5 (the Presidential eligibility clause) and have allowed a true “domestic enemy” to sit in the Oval Office as a result.

No person born of a foreign national, non-Citizen, non-immigrant, non-permanent resident to the USA, such as Obama was, can ever be considered to be a “natural born Citizen” of the USA. Read the preeminent legal treatise of the founding era by Emer de Vattel, “The Law of Nations or Principles of Natural Law”, Vol.1, Chapter 19, Section 212. The founders and framers did. They used that legal book to help write the founding documents. A “natural born Citizen” is one born in the country to two Citizen parents! Such a person is naturally, per natural law, a “natural born Citizen” of the country and no man-made law, amendment, court decision, spin machine in the media, or Senate resolution is required to explain it or clarify that person’s natural law Citizenship status. But you see John, you made a Faustian pact with the devil. And for the first time in history the two major political parties both jointly put up Presidential candidates who did not meet that natural law definition. The fix was in for 2008 to usurp and ignore the Constitution as to whom is eligible to serve in that singularly most powerful office in our nation. And John, you helped put the fix in for your own personal political power and goals. You helped make the deal! And you continue to help with the cover up!

Read this essay of mine for more on the Fix Was In for the 2008 Presidential Election:
http://puzo1.blogspot.com/2010/01/i-believe-fix-was-in-for-2008-election.html

John, you betrayed your Oath. You abandoned the wisdom of our forefathers and the founders of this nation for your own personal political gain and quest for power. You dishonored your prior honorable service to this nation. You are no longer a hero in this country to my eyes and in the eyes of many who know this truth about what you did in 2008. Will you try to redeem yourself? Will you truly finally at this stage in your life put Country First? Will you stand up now for the Constitution and your Oath and help correct the wrong you helped perpetrate in 2008, even at great personal pain to yourself and your legacy? Or will you let a fellow commissioned officer, LTC Lakin, who served his country bravely and with honor in Afghanistan, be court martialed and be destroyed by the corrupt politicos in Washington DC and their followers in the Pentagon leadership … for LTC Lakin standing up for his oath … while you remain silent as to what you know about the 2008 election and Obama? Will you continue to allow Obama to corrupt every institution in the nation to protect his phony life of fraud as a con-man and a grifter as to who he really is. We will see John. We the People, history and God will be your final Judge.

CDR Charles Kerchner (Ret)
Pennsylvania USA
Lead Plaintiff, Kerchner v Obama & Congress
http://www.protectourliberty.org
http://puzo1.blogspot.com
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Tuesday, September 8, 2009

The Natural Born Citizen Clause of Our U.S. Constitution Requires that Both of the Child’s Parents Be U.S. Citizens At the Time of Birth

The purpose of this essay is to show that one United States citizen parent is not enough to bestow “natural born Citizen” status upon a child.  When interpreting the Constitution, we must decide whether we will look to the document as an original and static one whose meaning has already been established at a given time by the People and its Framers or one that is living and which can be changed over any given time by a court of law. See the address of Justice Antonin Scalia to the 2008 Annual National Lawyers Convention on November 22, 2008, at the Mayflower Hotel, in Washington, D.C. http://www.fed-soc.org/publications/pubid.1193/pub_detail.asp. (advocates originalism rather than living constitutionalism). I submit that Article II’s “natural born Citizen” clause has a fixed and knowable meaning which was established at the time of its drafting and should therefore be interpreted through the eyes of the original Framers that drafted and ratified the clause so as to determine what they intended the clause to mean (original intent theory). I also submit that we should interpret the “natural born Citizen” clause in a way that reasonable persons living at the time of its adoption would have declared the ordinary meaning of the text to be (original meaning theory). This is not living constitutionalism but rather originalism or textualism as applied to interpreting the Constitution. It is this latter approach that I will utilize in this article.

E. Vattel stated in 1758, as translated into English in 1797: "The citizens are the members of the civil society: bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives, or natural-born citizens, are those born in the country, of parents who are citizens. As the society cannot exist and perpetuate itself otherwise than by the children of the citizens, those children naturally follow the condition of their fathers, and succeed to all their rights. The society is supposed to desire this, in consequence of what it owes to its own preservation; and it is presumed, as matter of course, that each citizen, on entering into society, reserves to his children the right of becoming members of it. The country of the fathers is therefore that of the children; and these become true citizens merely by their tacit consent. We shall soon see, whether, on their coming to the years of discretion, they may renounce their right, and what they owe to the society in which they were born. I say, that, in order to be of the country, it is necessary that a person be born of a father who is a citizen; for if he is born there of a foreigner, it will be only the place of his birth, and not his country." E. Vattel, The Law of Nations or Principles of Natural Law, Sec. 212 Citizens and natives. In Footnote 1 at the end of Sec. 212, Vattel stated that “as a general rule” the child inherits his father’s citizenship, or his mother’s but only if she is not married.

The first thing that we have to understand about what Vattel wrote is that he made a distinction between a “citizen” and a “natural born Citizen.” A citizen is simply a member of the civil society who is bound to the society by certain duties and subject to its authority. “Citizens” also participate equally in all the advantages the society has to offer. On the other hand, a “natural born Citizen” means much more than just “citizen.” Vattel required that for a child to be a “natural born citizen,” or what he called in French in his 1758 first edition of The Law of Nations or Principles of Natural Law, les naturels, ou indigenes (the “natives or indigines”-The Venus, 12 U.S. (8 Cranch) 253 (1814)), the child must be born in the country to both parents who are also citizens of the same country.

In the original French, Vattel wrote: "Les naturels, ou indigenes, sont ceux qui sont nes dans le pays de parents citoyens,” meaning the "natives or indigines" are those born in the country of citizen parents. Both the Framers and later English translators of Vattel's treatise replaced the words"natural born Citizen" for the words "natives or indigenes." From Madison's notes, we see that there were some delegates who were concerned about foreigners. For example, from Max Farrand's transcripts of Madison's notes (August 9 and August 13, 1787), there is the following concerning the House of Representatives eligibility requirements: "Mr. Gerry wished that in future the eligibility might be confined to Natives." The word "native" occurs multiple times in the notes for these two days. (The phrase "natural born citizen" was not used here by the delegates.). The word "native" was a synonym for the phrase "natural born citizen." The delegates had already used the term “natural born citizen” when proposing the requirements for President, Vice President, and either House of Congress and later used the word “natives” when referring to eligibility requirements for the House of Representative. There is further evidence of this in at least three works: Blackstone's "Commentaries on the Laws of England" (see Book the First: The Rights of Persons; Chapter the Tenth: Of People, Whether Aliens, Denizens or Natives.), translations of Quintilian's "Institutio Oratoria", and the 1797 English edition of Vattel's "The Law of Nations or Principles of Natural Law."

In the beginning of his definition, Vattel required that the children be born of “parents” who are citizens. The use of the word “parents” refers to both mother and father. If he required only one parent such as the father, he would have said “of fathers who are citizens” and not “of parents who are citizens.” He did later refer to “fathers,” but only because wives automatically acquired the citizenship of their husbands the same way children did. Hence, if Vattel meant to focus only on “fathers,” he would have used “fathers” throughout his definition and never mentioned “parents” when he first defined “natural born Citizen,” for there would not have been any need to use the word “parents” when “fathers” would have sufficed. Hence, Vattel would have focused on the citizenship of the father since that citizenship would determine that of both the mother and child. It is also noteworthy that Vattel had no problem allowing the child to inherit the citizenship of the mother when the mother was not married to the child’s father. Given that Vattel in effect really focused on the citizenship of both the child’s father and mother in defining a “natural born Citizen,” Vattel’s definition of a “natural born Citizen” does not violate the equal protection guarantee embedded in the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause. Miller v. Albright, 523 U.S. 420 (1998); Nguyen v. INS, 533 U.S. 53, 121 S.Ct. 2053; 150 L.Ed.2d 115 (2001).

There is other evidence in his treatise that shows that Vattel meant to refer to both the child’s mother and father in his definition of a “natural born citizen.” When defining what a country is in Section 122, he stated the “term signifies the state, or even more particularly the town or place, where our parents had their fixed residence at the moment of our birth…. A man ought to preserve gratitude and affection for the state to which he is indebted for his education, and of which his parents were members when they gave him birth….” In commenting on the citizenship status of children born at sea at Section 216, he stated that a child born abroad a foreign vessel that is docked in a port belonging to their own nation is reputed born in the country, provided “she [the mother] and her husband have not quitted their native country to settle elsewhere.” In commenting upon vagrants in Section 219he stated: “Vagrants are people who have no settlement. Consequently those born of vagrant parents have no country, since a man’s country is the place where, at the time of his birth, his parents had their settlement (Section 122), or it is the state of which his father was then a member…” Given that Vattel in effect really focused on the citizenship of both the child’s father and mother in defining a “natural born Citizen,” Vattel’s definition of a “natural born Citizen” does not violate the equal protection guarantee embedded in the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause. Miller v. Albright, 523 U.S. 420 (1998); Nguyen v. INS, 533 U.S. 53, 121 S.Ct. 2053; 150 L.Ed.2d 115 (2001).

There is also United States Supreme Court support for the position that Vattel's “Parents” meant mother and father. In the case of Dred Scott, Justice Daniel in his concurring opinion substituted the word “parent” for “father” and “parents” for “fathers.” Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856).

Historically, we have always treated the citizenship of the husband and wife as being merged in the husband.  Historically, a women's citizenship merged into that of her husband upon marriage.  Thomas Franck wrote: “[I]n domestic law a woman had been, until the 19th century, a ‘femme couverte,’ incapable of acquiring rights in her own name…” T.M. Franck, Individuals, Groups and States as Rights Holders in International Law, In Canadian Council on International Law, The Impact of International Law on the Practice of Law in Canada-Proceedings of the 27th Annual Conference of the Canadian Council on International Law, Ottawa, October 15-17, 1998 (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1999), 62, 64. See also K. Knop, Feminist Re/Statements: Feminism and State Sovereignty in International Law, 3 Transna’l L. & Contemporary Pr. 293, 323-328 (1993). “[I]n every country, except where the English law prevails, the nationality of a woman on marriage merges in that of her husband, she loses her own nationality and acquires his.” Cockburn, Nationality 24 (1869). On matters of a married woman’s citizenship, we did not follow the English law. Rather we followed the “Continental private international law.” Secretary Sherman, in an instruction to the United States Minister at St. Petersburg, March 15, 1897; Foreign Relations, 1901, 443.

The rule that the wife followed the condition of her huband was carried into our own naturalization laws, wherein citizenship could be derived from a marital and child relationship.  Historically, a number of U.S. laws have provided for the automatic naturalization of children or wives (not husbands) of naturalized U.S. citizens. In some periods of our history, these laws provided that married women derived citizenship from their husband and had no control over their status. Under the Act of 10 February 1855, a woman automatically became an American upon marrying a U.S. citizen or following the naturalization of her foreign husband. Kelly v. Owen, 74 U.S. 7 Wall. 496 (1868). Further, Section 3 of the Citizenship Act of 1907, which would have confirmed the general rule prevailing at the time, provided that any American woman who married a foreigner took the nationality of her husband. Indeed, our Supreme Court in Mackenzie v. Hare, 239 U.S. 299 (1915) upheld the constitutionality of the Citizenship Act of 1907 which provided “[t]hat any American woman who marries a foreigner shall take the nationality of her husband….” The Court applied this rule to an American woman born in California and held that she lost her American citizenship and took on his citizenship when she married a “native and subject of the kingdom of Great Britain.” The Court said that “the identity of the husband and wife is an ancient principle of our jurisprudence, and is still retained notwithstanding relaxation thereof.” The Court said that the husband and wife merge their identity, with dominance given to the husband. It said that the rule is dictated not only by domestic policy but more importantly by international policy. The Court added that Congress has such power to make such a rule as part of its power to deal with international relations with other countries and to keep the United States out of embarrassments and controversies with other nations. Id. at 311-12. “Until September 22, 1922, the status of the wife depended upon that of her husband, and therefore the children acquired their citizenship from the same source as had been theretofore existent under the common law.” In re Citizenship Status of Minor Children Where Mother Alone Becomes Citizen Through Naturalization, 25 F.2d 210 (D.C.N.J. 1928). The rule for woman finally changed with the 1922 Cable Act which established that a woman’s marriage to an alien no longer automatically stripped her of her citizenship. See FAM 1200 Appendix E, Loss of Nationality of Married Women Under the Act of 1907 and Successor Statutes (provides a full discussion on the status of women marrying aliens). On the rule that the wife’s citizenship automatically merged into that of her husband, it is also noteworthy that Section 1993 of the Revised Statutes of 1878 (48 Stat. 797) permitted the transmission of citizenship only by U.S. citizen fathers until it was amended prospectively on May 24, 1934, to permit transmission by U.S. citizen mothers. (The similar rights of women were also addressed by the 1994 amendment to section 301 INA (see 7 FAM 1133.2-1).)

The Framers were very familiar with William Blackstone. We can also see in the writings of Blackstone that the allegiance of both parents to the King was needed to avoid dual allegiance in the child. Blackstone wrote:

"When I say, that an alien is one who is born out of the king's dominions, or allegiance, this also must be understood with some restrictions. The common law indeed stood absolutely so; with only a very few exceptions: so that a particular act of parliament became necessary after the restoration, for the naturalization of children of his majesty's English subjects, born in foreign countries during the late troubles. And this maxim of the law proceeded upon a general principle, that every man owes natural allegiance where he is born, and cannot owe two such allegiances, or serve two masters, at once. Yet the children of the king's embassadors born abroad were always held to be natural subjects: for as the father, though in a foreign country, owes not even a local allegiance to the prince to whom he is sent; so, with regard to the son also, he was held (by a kind of postliminium) to be born under the king of England's allegiance, represented by his father, the embassador. To encourage also foreign commerce, it was enacted by statute 25 Edw. III. st. 2. that all children born abroad, provided both their parents were at the time of the birth in allegiance to the king, and the mother had passed the seas by her husband's consent, might inherit as if born in England: and accordingly it hath been so adjudged in behalf of merchants. But by several more modern statutes these restrictions are still farther taken off: so that all children, born out of the king's ligeance, whose fathers were natural-born subjects, are now natural-born subjects themselves, to all intents and purposes, without any exception; unless their said fathers were attainted, or banished beyond sea, for high treason; or were then in the service of a prince at enmity with Great Britain (emphais in the original)."  William Blackstone, Commentaries 1:354, 357--58, 361-62 (1765).

We can see that even the English Parliament gave importance to a child having both parents be “in the allegiance of the king,” which under English common law meant the parents would have been “natural born subjects.” By having both parents be “natural born subjects,” the child would not have been born with any other conflicting allegiance other than the one that attached from the foreign soil. Parliament was willing to live with any allegiance attaching to the child from the foreign soil but not with any that may attach by descent from one of the parents, the latter one being by nature a much more stronger one. It was only later in time that the rule was made less restrictive and allowed for just the father to be a “natural born subject.”

There is historical evidence that the Founders also borrowed heavily from the Dutch when making the new nation. During the revolutionary period Dutch law provided for citizenship by jus sanguinis. There is considerable evidence that the Framers were also influenced by the citizenship law of Holland. “The American colonists had become familiar with the rights of citizenship possessed in other countries, both from the fact that some of them resided in Holland for a time, before they came to America, and from the further fact that the New York colony was essentially Dutch in its original settlement and government.” John S. Wise, A Treatise on American Citizenship (1906). In Holland, “[c]itizenship could be acquired in several ways. Probably the most common was birth. Some towns accepted everyone as citizen who was baptized in a local church. But more commonly it was required that one’s parents were citizens too. . . .” R. Po-chia Hsia & Henk F. K. van Nierop, Calvinism and Religious Toleration in the Dutch Golden Age 161(2002). “One’s parents” would necessarily included one’s mother and father. This Dutch law is consistent with Vattel’s definition of what is a “natural born citizen.”

Apart from the heavy Dutch influence upon the Founders, when the Framers drafted the Constitution, they relied heavily upon Vattel to guide them. Citizenship was a topic that affected U.S. relations with other nations. Given that citizenship affects "the behavior of nation states with each other" (Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692 (2004), the Founders would have looked to the law of nations to define it for the purposes of the new nation. The law of nations definition on citizenship also gave uniformity to the subject area, which the Framers wanted to achieve for citizenship laws as they did for naturalization laws. Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, 36 (Wheat) (1824). They would therefore have referred to and accepted Vattel's law of nations definition to give meaning to what an Article II “natural born Citizen” was.

The meaning of a “natural born Citizen” as expressed by Vattel, including that both parents of the child must be citizens at the time of the child’s birth in order to make the child a “natural born Citizen,” was carried forward in American history following the Founding. The standard provided by Vattel has not changed in our jurisprudence and is still valid today as it was during the Founding. Also, the Fourteenth Amendment has not changed the meaning of a “natural born Citizen.” Legislative activity by the early Congresses provides insight into the question of whether Vattel required one or two parents to be citizens. There are Congressional acts that were passed after the Constitution was adopted that give us insight into what the Framers of the Constitution meant by “natural born Citizen.” The 1790 First Congress, which included twenty members who had been delegates to the Constitutional Convention eight of whom were members of the Committee of Eleven that drafted the “natural born Citizen” clause, passed the Naturalization Act of 1790 (1 Stat.103,104) which provided that “And the children of citizens of the United States that may be born beyond the sea, or out of the limits of the United States, shall be considered as natural born citizens.” This phrasing followed the literal terms of British statutes, beginning in 1350, under which persons born abroad, whose parents were both British subjects, would enjoy the same rights of inheritance as those born in England; beginning with laws in 1709 and 1731, these statutes expressly provided that such persons were natural-born subjects of the crown.” The Naturalization Act of 1790 declared these children to be "natural born Citizens," but only retrospectively. See Weedin v. Chin Bow, 274 U.S. 657 (1927). It is interesting to note that George Washington was president of the Constitutional Convention and President of the United States when this bill became law and if he had disagreed with the two U.S. citizen-parent requirement, he could have vetoed this bill. One would then at first think that this legislation strongly suggests that the Framers of the Constitution understood this phrase to refer to citizenship acquired from both of the child’s parents at birth, regardless of whether or not that birth had taken place in the United States. This statute shows what role the parents played in the minds of the early founders.

While only retrospectively, the First Congress was willing to declare a child born out of the United States to two United States parents a “natural born Citizen.” This was not consistent with what Vattel wrote in The Law of Nations of Principles of Natural Law, at Sec. 215. Children of citizens, born in a foreign country, where he declared these children just “citizens” and not “natural born citizens”: "It is asked, whether the children born of citizens in a foreign country are citizens? By the law of nature alone, children follow the condition of their fathers, and enter into all their rights (Sec. 212); the place of birth produces no change in this particular, and cannot of itself furnish any reason for taking from a child what nature has given him; I say 'of itself,' for civil or political laws may, for particular reasons, ordain otherwise. . . .” (emphasis supplied). Clearly, Vattel addressed the question of whether these children are “citizens,” not “natural born citizen.” He does not address the question of whether they are “natural born citizens” because according to his own definition, a child had to be born “in the country” in order to be a “natural born citizen.” Being born abroad and therefore not “in the country,” such a child could not be a “natural born citizen.” 

Vattel did did state that there was an exception to the "in the country" rule for children born abroad to citizen parents who were serving the armies of the state or in government service, for he considered these children to be "reputed born in the country."  Vattel, Sec. 217.  In this connection and as an aside which applies to the question of whether Senator McCain is an Article II “natural born Citizen,” it should be noted that according to Vattel, being physically born out of the country did not necessarily mean that one was not born “in the country.” Vattel explained that if a child was born “in the armies of the state,” that child was “reputed born in the country; for a citizen, who is absent with his family on the service of the state, but still dependent on it, and subject to its jurisdiction, cannot be considered as having quitted its territory.” Vattel, Sec. 217. Since this child would have been born in the foreign “armies of the state,” he would normally not be granted citizenship in the country in which he was physically born. Additionally, the country on whose soil the child might be born might adhere to a jus sanguinis system of conferring citizenship (meaning that born on its soil alone would not confer citizenship and therefore allegiance and loyalty on the child). Being born under those conditions, this child would therefore be born with sole allegiance to the country of his parents and would qualify as a “natural born citizen” of that country.

While the 1790 act naturalized all "persons" and so included women, it also declared that "the right of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers have never been resident in the United States...." This prevented the automatic grant of citizenship to children born abroad whose mother, but not father, had resided in the United States. Citizenship was inherited exclusively through the father. As we have seen above, Congress did not remove the inequity until 1934. This focus on the father as the source of citizenship (but not meaning that the status of the mother was not considered) is consistent with what Vattel wrote in Section 212 of The Law of Nations. This is further evidence that the Framers relied upon Vattel in defining citizenship for the new Republic.

In 1795 the Congress passed the Naturalization Act of 1795 which removed the words “natural born” from the term “natural born citizen” and thereby just left “citizens” as the status to be given to children born out of the United States. The fact that the 1790 Act as written was short lived and was only retrospective shows that Congress just wanted to make certain persons born abroad during the early years of the Republic “natural born Citizen” so that they could be eligible to be President. This sort of special allowance was comparable to the grandfather clause of Article II which allowed a “citizen” to be President provided that he was such at the time of the adoption of the Constitution which the Framers in 1790 knew occurred in 1789. It seems that the Third Congress passed this amendment to the 1790 Act to clarify for those living at that time who was and who was not a “natural born Citizen” per the Framers intent at that time, since the 1790 Act had introduced confusion into that subject regarding the use of those special words as found in Article II. United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, 714 (1898) (Fuller, C.J., dissenting) (statute “passed out of abundant caution to obviate misunderstandings” about the citizenship status of foreign-born children of Americans). It is again important to note that George Washington was also President in 1795, making him aware of this change by the Third Congress. If he disagreed with the clarification and change in the wording in the new 1795 Act, he would have vetoed it. The 1790 and 1795 Acts are contemporaneous evidence of who the Framers meant to include as “natural born Citizens.” Pryor, The Natural-Born Citizen Clause and Presidential Eligibility: An Approach for Resolving Two Hundred Years of Uncertainty, 97 Yale L.J. 881 (1988).

Subsequent Supreme Court cases have stated that in interpreting the Constitution, we must look to the common law that the Framers accepted at the time of the Founding. There is strong historical evidence that the Framers in constituting the new Constitutional Republic rejected the English common law and accepted the new federal common law which emanated from the law of nations. On this subject, see my article included at this blog entitled, The Law of Nations or Principles of Natural Law as U.S. Federal Common Law Not English Common Law Define What an Article II Natural Born Citizen Is. Indeed, as we will see below, our Supreme Court adopted that definition when defining a “natural born Citizen” and thereby incorporated it into U.S. federal common law.

The definition and two-parent requirement has been reiterated by the Supreme Court and other courts in the cases of The Venus, 12U.S. 253(1814), Shanks v. Dupont, 28 U.S. 242 (1830), Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856), Minor v. Happersett, 88 U.S. 162 (1875) , Ex parte Reynolds, 20 F. Cas. 582 (C.C.W.D. Ark 1879), United States v. Ward, 42 F. 320 (1890); Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), and Ludlam, Excutrix, & c., v. Ludlam, 26 N.Y. 356 (1863). It has also been confirmed by renowned legislators, including Senator Trumbull, the author of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, and Representative John A. Bingham, the architect of the 14th Amendment to our Constitution.

In the case of The Venus 12 U.S. 253, 289 (1814), Justice John Marshall said: "Vattel, who, though not very full to this point, is more explicit and more satisfactory on it than any other whose work has fallen into my hands, says 'The citizens are the members of the civil society; bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives or indigenes are those born in the country of parents who are citizens. Society not being able to subsist and to perpetuate itself but by the children of the citizens, those children naturally follow the condition of their fathers, and succeed to all their rights.'”

Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857), did not directly deal with Article II "natural born Citizen." But there are parts of the Dred Scott decision that are relevant to the question of what is a “natural born Citizen.” The case clearly defined “natural born citizen.” While as repugnant as slavery was and still is, no court or amendment has over turned the meaning of “natural born citizen” from Dred Scott. The main point is that in deciding what a "citizen" was in 1857, both the majority and dissent went back to 1787 to examine what the Framers and the people of that time considered a "citizen" to be. The Court said that the Constitution must be understood now as it was understood at the time it was written. The judges did not disagree that one had to look back to the Founding Fathers. What they disagreed on is what the public opinion was at that time as to whether a freed slave was a citizen. In this regard, we know that the case was overruled by the Thirteenth Amendment. As to the “natural born Citizen” clause, the Court said: "The citizens are the members of the civil society; bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives, or natural-born citizens, are those born in the country, of parents who are citizens. As society cannot perpetuate itself otherwise than by the children of the citizens, those children naturally follow the condition of their parents, and succeed to all their rights. Again: I say, to be of the country, it is necessary to be born of a person who is a citizen; for if he be born there of a foreigner, it will be only the place of his birth, and not his country. . . ." Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393, 476-77 (1857). As can be seen from the quoted language, the Court actually removed from the Vattel’s definition the reference to “fathers” and “father” and replaced it with “parents” and “person,” thus showing that it is not just one parent (the father) that needs to be a citizen, but the “parents,” i.e., both mother and father. Also, both Vattel and the Court stated that “if he be born there of a foreigner, it will be only the place of his birth, and not his country.” The controlling language is “a foreigner.” In the English language, the letter “a” is an indefinite article meaning one. Hence, the use of the word “a” shows that only one is required. We know that a child has both a mother and father and the “a” would necessarily refer to either the mother or father. Surely, if the child were born of one parent who was not a citizen, he would be “born there of a foreigner,” who would be either his foreign mother or father. As can be seen, it is our United States Supreme Court that has made this reading and interpretation of Vattel. This understanding of Vattel is not only correct but also binding upon us.

Chief Justice Waite, in Minor v. Happersett, 88 U.S. 162 (1874), stated: "The Constitution does not, in words, say who shall be natural-born citizens. Resort must be had elsewhere to ascertain that. At common-law, with the nomenclature of which the framers of the Constitution were familiar, it was never doubted that all children born in a country of parents who were its citizens became themselves, upon their birth, citizens also. These were natives, or natural-born citizens, as distinguished from aliens or foreigners. Some authorities go further and include as citizens children born within the jurisdiction without reference to the citizenship of their parents. As to this class there have been doubts, but never as to the first." Here we can see that the U.S. Supreme Court in all three of these cases adopted Vattel’s definition of what a “natural born Citizen” is, and specifically repeated his two U.S.-parent test. Dred Scott even removed the word “father” and replaced it with the word “parents.”

The Civil Rights Act of 1866 (Act of April 9, 1866) first established a national law that provided: “All persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the United States.” Civil Rights Act of April 9, 1866 (14 Stat. 27). Not being subject to a foreign power includes being free from any political and military obligations to any other nation and not owing any other nation direct and immediate allegiance and loyalty. The primary author of this Act was Senator Trumbull who said it was his intention “to make citizens of everybody born in the United States who owe allegiance to the United States.” Additionally, he added if a “negro or white man belonged to a foreign Government he would not be a citizen.” In order for this requirement to be satisfied, clearly both parents of the child must be U.S. citizens, for if one is not, the child would inherit the foreign allegiance and loyalty of foreign parent and would thereby “belong to a foreign Government.” Rep. John A. Bingham, who later became the chief architect of the 14th Amendment's first section, in commenting upon Section 1992 of the Civil Rights Act, said that the Act was “simply declaratory of what is written in the Constitution, that every human being born within the jurisdiction of the United States of parents not owing allegiance to any foreign sovereignty is, in the language of your Constitution itself, a natural born citizen” (emphasis supplied). Rep. Bingham said “parents.” He did not say “one parent” or “a mother or father.”

Now let us turn to the Fourteenth Amendment. Senator Trumbull, when commenting on that Amendment declared: “The provision is, that ‘all persons born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens.’ That means ‘subject to the complete jurisdiction thereof.’ What do we mean by ‘complete jurisdiction thereof?’ Not owing allegiance to anybody else. That is what it means.” Sen. Howard added: “the word jurisdiction, as here employed, ought to be construed so as to imply a full and complete jurisdiction on the part of the United States, coextensive in all respects with the constitutional power of the United States, whether exercised by Congress, by the executive, or by the judicial department; that is to say, the same jurisdiction in extent and quality as applies to every citizen of the United States now.” On May 30, 1866, Senator Howard continued: "This amendment which I have offered is simply declaratory of what I regard as the law of the land already, that every person born within the limits of the United States, and subject to their jurisdiction, is by virtue of natural law and national law a citizen of the United States. This will not, of course, include persons born in the United States who are foreigners, aliens, who belong to the families of ambassadors or foreign ministers accredited to the Govern- of the United States, but will include every other class of persons." Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, May 30, 1866, P. 2890, col. 2. Again, only if the both parents of the child were citizens at the time of birth could the child be subject to the complete jurisdiction of the United States, not owe allegiance to any foreign power, and not be a person “born in the United States who are foreigners [or aliens].”

There then followed Supreme Court cases that discussed citizenship under the Fourteenth Amendment. In The Slaughter-House Cases, 83 U.S. 36, 73 (1873), in discussing the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment’s citizenship clause said: “[t]he phrase, ‘subject to its jurisdiction’ was intended to exclude from its operation children of ministers, consuls, and citizens or subjects of foreign States born within the United States.” Even the dissenting opinion affirmed that the citizenship clause was designed to assure that all persons born within the United States were both citizens of the United States and the state in which they resided, provided they were not at the time of birth subjects of any foreign power. Again, only if both parents of the child were citizens at the time of birth could the child not be considered a citizen or subject of a foreign State born within the United States, be subject to the complete jurisdiction of the United States, and not be subject to any foreign power.

In Elk v. Wilkins, 112 U.S. 94 (1884), the Supreme Court specifically addressed what is meant by “subject to the jurisdiction thereof,” and held: "The persons declared to be citizens are 'all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof.' The evident meaning of these last words is not merely subject in some respect or degree to the jurisdiction of the United States, but completely subject to their political jurisdiction and owing them direct and immediate allegiance. And the words relate to the time of birth in the one case, as they do to the time of naturalization in the other. Persons not thus subject to the jurisdiction of the United States at the time of birth cannot become so afterwards except by being naturalized, either individually, as by proceedings under the naturalization acts, or collectively, as by the force of a treaty by which foreign territory is acquired." Only if the child’s both parents were citizens at the time of birth could the child be “completely subject to their [U.S.] political jurisdiction and owing them direct and immediate allegiance.

U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), did not address what an Article II “natural born Citizen” is as it applies to presidential eligibility.  Rather, the Supreme Court there gave a new, divergent, and incorrect interpretation of the “subject to the jurisdiction” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and vetoed the will of the People and their Legislature to declare Wong a U.S. “citizen of the United States” under the unique circumstances of that case. While the case did approvingly cite Minor v. Happersett, since the case only dealt with what is a Fourteenth Amendment “citizen of the United States,” the holding of the case cannot be used to define what the Founders meant by Article II’s “natural born Citizen” clause. While Justice Gray was correct in stating that it was public law that defined national citizenship, he was not correct in defining that law with reference to the English common law. Justice Gray went to great lengths to tell us what the English common law was during the colonies on the question of citizenship.  But he failed to show that the Founders and Framers adopted that law to define the national citizenship in the new Constitutional Republic.  Wong Kim Ark is the only United States Supreme Court case that up to that time relied upon English common law to define U.S. national citizenship. While he provided evidence that the English common law continued to be applied by the States to resolve local issues, Justice Gray provided no evidence that our public law used the English common law to define national citizenship. Indeed, the Court in Wong Kim Ark was misled by British authority that applied only during the colonial period.  What the Court did through its decision and by relying on English common law is create a class of born “Citizens of the United States” who are born in the United States who are not necessarily eligible to be President because they are not born to a citizen mother and father.  But regardless of whether the Court erred in relying on English common law to define a “citizen of the United States,” the decision did not change the meaning of an Article II “natural born Citizen,” for the case’s holding only defined what a “citizen of the United States” is under the Fourteenth Amendment and in the decision the Court also cited Minor and quoted its passage which included Vattel’s definition of what a “natural born Citizen” is. Justice Antonin Scalia, during his address to the 2008 Annual National Lawyers Convention on November 22, 2008, at the Mayflower Hotel, in Washington, D.C., gave three reasons in ascending order (the last being the most compelling) which would serve justification for overturning a prior case: how wrong was it, i.e., was it blatantly and malicious improperly decided ; how well has the public accepted the case; and did the decision cast the Court as a policy maker rather than an interpreter of the law. Given that the Wong Court did not give Congress and the Executive the wide deference that they deserve in exercising its immigration and naturalization powers (Nguyen v. INS, 533 U.S. 53, 121 S.Ct. 2053; 150 L.Ed.2d 115 (2001) and the Scalia factors, the Wong decision is a prime candidate for reversal.

We have seen that the citizenship status of the parents of a child determines whether that child is born a “natural born Citizen.” Why should we want the child’s parents to be citizens? Alexander Hamilton explained what happens to a person when he or she becomes a citizen of the country: "But there is a wide difference between closing the door altogether and throwing it entirely open; between a postponement of fourteen years, and an immediate admission to all the rights of citizenship. Some reasonable term ought to be allowed to enable aliens to get rid of foreign and acquire American attachments; to learn the principles and imbibe the spirit of our government; and to admit of a probability at least, of their feeling a real interest in our affairs. A residence of not less than five years ought to be required. " Alexander Hamilton, The Works of Alexander Hamilton, (Federal Edition), vol. 8 > EXAMINATION OF JEFFERSON’S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS OF DECEMBER 7, 1801 1 > paragraph 827. Additionally, the development in the formative years of a child’s minority of a relationship between citizen parents and their child is essential to the child’s ties and allegiance to the United States. Nguyen v. INS, 533 U.S. 53, 121 S.Ct. 2053; 150 L.Ed.2d 115 (2001) (addressing the importance of the tie between a child and his U.S. citizen father before the child’s 18th birthday as a crucial ingredient in the child attaching and owing allegiance to the United States and that the U.S. government has a “profound” important interest and objective in promoting that link; showing that a child must meet all statutory preconditions [would also mean constitutional requirements] no matter how much one may deem them to be unfair or onerous in order to be bestowed U.S. citizenship). But we have seen that United States Supreme Court case law, the early 1790 and 1795 Naturalization Acts, legislative history of the Civil Rights Act of the 1866, and the Fourteenth Amendment all conclusively show that Vattel was understood to say that both parents had to be citizens in order for a child to be a “natural born Citizen.” The Founders, our Supreme Court, Congress, and framers of the Fourteenth Amendment all adopted Vattel’s law of nations definition and two-parent requirement and made it part of Article II, United States citizenship federal common law, the Civil Rights Act of 1866, and the Fourteenth Amendment, respectively.

Obama is missing one of the two necessary natural conditions needed to make one a “natural born Citizen.” He would satisfy the birth-in-the-country requirement. But he would be missing the two-U.S.-citizen-parent requirement to be an Article II “natural born Citizen.” Obama would be missing unity of citizenship and allegiance at birth which is necessary to be a “natural born Citizen.” One who meets the definition of a “natural born Citizen” is considered to have been born with sole and absolute allegiance to the United States and not owing allegiance by birth to any foreign state. Obama’s mother was probably a “natural born Citizen.” But because his father was a British subject/citizen and never a “Citizen of the United States” and Obama himself was a British subject/citizen” at the time of his birth, he was born with dual allegiances rather than just one to the United States. Therefore, Obama is not and cannot be an Article II “natural born Citizen” because of his father's and his birth allegiance to Great Britain. That his mother was a United States citizen does not in any way alter that reality bestowed upon Obama by nature at the moment of his birth. Obama still acquired a complete and natural allegiance to Great Britain at the time of his birth. In other words, at birth he was as much a British subject/citizen as he was an American citizen, assuming he was born in Hawaii. His mother’s United States citizenship did not and could not change that. It also would not make sense to allow just one United States citizen parent to be sufficient to bestow "natural born Citizen" status on a child, for each parent has just as much influence as the other in creating in the child attachment to a nation.

The purpose of Article II’s “natural born Citizen” clause is to exclude foreign influence from the Office of President and Commander in Chief. It “cuts off all chances for ambitious foreigners, who might otherwise be intriguing for the office; and interposes a barrier against those corrupt interferences of foreign governments . . .” Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution 3:Sec 1472-73 (1833). Remember that Vattel said that if a child is born on a nation's soil to a non-citizen father (meaning parents), that place "will be only the place of his birth, and not his country." Article II’s “natural born Citizen” clause looks only to the moment of birth and not thereafter. This interpretation is consistent with Jay’s underlining the word “born” in his 1787 letter to General (later President) Washington. In other words, to meet that special Presidential eligibility requirement, one must be born a “natural born Citizen” and cannot acquire that status later in life. Under the British Nationality Act 1948, when Obama was born in 1961 his father was a British subject/citizen and Obama himself was a British subject/citizen by descent from his father. Under the British Nationality Act 1981, today Obama can still be a British Overseas Citizen (BOC). See my April 7, 2009 article on this topic at this blog entitled, Obama, the President of the U.S., Is Currently Also a British Citizen. Hence, when Obama was born he failed to meet the two-U.S.-citizen-parent test which caused him to be born subject to a foreign power. See my article at this blog entitled, Being Born Subject to a Foreign Power, Obama Cannot be President and Military Commander. It is inescapable that Obama is not and cannot be an Article II “natural born Citizen” and is therefore not eligible to be President and Commander in Chief of the Military.

Obama’s current citizenship status is the same as that which the Framers and Founders had during the Constitutional Convention. If he was born in Hawaii (which he has yet to conclusively prove), he is a “Citizen of the United States” under the Fourteenth Amendment just as they were under natural law and the law of nations. And he is not a “natural born Citizen” as they also were not. Like a naturalized citizen who is not a “natural born Citizen” and therefore not eligible to be President, the Framers and Founders were born subject to a foreign power as was Obama. Being born subject to a foreign power, both the original Founders and Obama qualify as “citizens of the United States” but not as “natural born Citizens.” But the difference between Obama and the original Founders is that Obama cannot take advantage of Article II’s grandfather clause to make him eligible to be President. Obama is therefore not eligible to be President and Commander in Chief of the Military.

Mario Apuzzo, Esq.
185 Gatzmer Avenue
Jamesburg, NJ 08831
9-8-09
Updated May 21, 2010
http://puzo1.blogspot.com/

Friday, February 5, 2016

The Illinois Board of Elections Got It Wrong: Ted Cruz Is Not a Natural Born Citizen



The Illinois Board of Elections Got It Wrong:  Ted Cruz Is Not a Natural Born Citizen

By Mario Apuzzo, Esq.
February 5, 2016


Image result for image ted cruz born in canadaThe Illinois Board of Elections recently found that Presidential contender, Senator Ted Cruz, is an Article II “natural born citizen.”   http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/ted-cruz-natural-born-illinois_us_56b10542e4b0a1b96203f393 .  Lawrence Joyce and William Graham objected to Cruz being placed on the presidential primary ballot in Illinois, contending that he is not an Article II natural born citizen.  The Board rejected the challenge and found that Cruz “is a natural born citizen by virtue of being born in Canada to his mother who was a U.S. citizen at the time of his birth." The Board so found because it said he "did not have to take any steps or go through a naturalization process at some point after birth."  The Board also had the audacity to cavalierly state:  “Further discussion on this issue is unnecessary." The Board erred.  The Board’s ruling is an expression of Congressional Research Service attorney Jack Maskell’s baseless thesis of his definition of a natural born citizen.  Not only is Maskell’s definition a fabricated and revisionist definition of a natural born citizen, it also is nonsensical.   See Mario Apuzzo, The Fallacies of Congressional Legislative Attorney Jack Maskell’s Definition of a “Natural Born Citizen,” http://puzo1.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-fallacies-of-congressional.html (June 2, 2013) (demonstrates how Maskell’s thesis is erroneous); Mario Apuzzo, The Constitution, the Rule of Law, and the “Natural Born Citizen” Clause:  A Response to Artsy Fartsy Squeeky Fromm Girl Reporter, http://puzo1.blogspot.com/2013/07/the-constitution-rule-of-law-and.html  (July 19, 2013) (same). 

I.  CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUCTION

Let us begin with a brief textual and structural analysis of Article I and II.  Article I, Section 2 (applicable to Representatives) and Section 3 (applicable to Senators) allows Representatives and Senators to be just “citizen” of the United States for a minimum of seven and nine years, respectively, to be eligible for those offices.  It does not require that they be “natural born citizens” of the United States.  In contrast, Article II, Section 1, Clause 5 of the Constitution says:  "No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States."  We have to consider that the House and Senate are collegial bodies which act as bodies of many individuals and not by the decision of just one individual.  In contrast, the Office of President and Commander is singular.  The Framers required future Presidents and Commanders to be natural born citizens so as to provide a “strong check”[1] against foreign and monarchical influence infecting the Office of President and Commander in Chief.  We can only conclude from Article I and II that the Framers did not believe that being a citizen provided a strong enough check against that pernicious monarchical and foreign influence affecting the one person upon whom the great and singular civil and military powers of the President and Commander devolve.  Rather, being a natural born citizen did.  So, being a citizen of the United States today is not sufficient to be eligible to be President.  For those born after the adoption of the Constitution, if one is a “citizen” of the United States but not also a “natural born citizen” of the United States, then one is prohibited from being President.  The Twelfth Amendment requires that also the Vice-President be a natural born citizen. 

As we can plainly see from the text of Article II, today, if one wants to be President, one must demonstrate that one is a “natural born citizen” of the United States, not just a “citizen” of the United States.  The text also does not say “citizen” of the United States at birth.  As I will demonstrate, there is a critical constitutional difference between these two types of U.S. citizenships and that only a natural born citizen of the United States is eligible to be President.  I will show that Ted Cruz might be a citizen of the United States at birth.  But having acquired that at birth status by naturalization and not by birth alone, he is not nor can he be a natural born citizen.  That Cruz did not have to go through any naturalization process after his birth, assuming that to be true, does not nor can it erase the fact that he was by law naturalized at birth by Congress through its naturalization Act applicable to Cruz when he was born in 1970.  Needing Congress to naturalize him at birth, Cruz is not nor can he be an Article II natural born citizen. 

We have seen that the text and structure of Article II, Section 1, Clause 5 reveals that the Framers made a critical constitutional distinction between a “citizen” and “natural born citizen.”   The only possible explanation for the Framers using these two clauses as they did is that a citizen of the United States who was born after the adoption of the Constitution and who was not eligible to be President was a citizen of the United States, but not a natural born citizen.  Not being a natural born citizen, that citizen could only be a naturalized citizen.  So, what made that person a naturalized citizen was the simple fact that he or she was not a natural born citizen.  And what made that person not a natural born citizen was the fact that he or she did not satisfy the definition of a natural born citizen.  So what is a natural born citizen as opposed to just a citizen?   

The Constitution does not define a natural born citizen.  Hence, it is not the Constitution that created the meaning of a natural born citizen.  The definition of a natural born citizen already existed when the Framers drafted and adopted the Constitution and when it was ratified.  It also existed before Congress passed its first naturalization Act in 1790.  Since the meaning of the clause already existed prior to the drafting and ratification of the Constitution and prior to any naturalization Act, that definition did not nor could it draw its source from the Constitution or any Act of Congress.  That definition could only come from some source other than the Constitution or an Act of Congress.  The historical and legal record demonstrates that that source was the law of nations, whose citizenship principles were incorporated into American national common law and the naturalization Acts of Congress, and not the English common law.   

II.  THE ORIGINAL CITIZENS

Before we consider the meaning of a natural born citizen, let first examine who the original citizens of the United States were.  Simply, the original citizens were those people who associated together and adhered to the American Revolution.  They were made a citizen of the free and independent state which they inhabited by the force of the Declaration of Independence and the Revolution.  Upon ratification of the Constitution, they became the first citizens of the United States.  These original citizens included the Founder and Framers and also most of the early Presidents.  Article II grandfathered the original citizens of the United States to be eligible to be President. 

III.  THE NATURAL BORN CITIZENS

Having examined who the original citizens were, now let us examine who the natural born citizens were.  Our U.S. Supreme Court has long confirmed that the birth circumstances that make one a natural born citizen are birth in the United States to U.S. citizen parents (meaning U.S. citizen father and mother).  Under the common law the nomenclature with which the Framers were familiar when they drafted and adopted the Constitution, all children born in a country to parents who were its citizens were “natives, or natural-born citizens,” and all the rest of the people were “aliens or foreigners,” who could be naturalized by some law.  See Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or Principles of the Laws of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, bk. 1, c. 19, sec. 212 Citizens and natives (London 1797) (1st ed. Neuchatel 1758) ("The citizens are the members of the civil society: bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives, or natural-born citizens, are those born in the country, of parents who are citizens"); Minor v. Happersett, 88 U.S. 162, 167 (1875) (“The Constitution does not, in words, say who shall be natural-born citizens. Resort must be had elsewhere to ascertain that. At common-law, with the nomenclature of which the framers of the Constitution were familiar, it was never doubted that all children born in a country of parents who were its citizens became themselves, upon their birth, citizens also. These were natives, or natural-born citizens, as distinguished from aliens or foreigners,” which is a paraphrase of Vattel’s law of nation’s definition of “natives, or natural-born citizens”); as to a natural born citizen, accord U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, 665 (1898), citing Minor and quoting without criticism its common law definition of a natural born citizen and citing an quoting Horace Binney, Alienigenae of the United States, p. 22, note (2nd ed., Philadelphia, Dec. 1, 1853) ("The child of an alien, if born in the country, is as much a citizen as the natural born child of a citizen, and by operation of the same principle," meaning birth in the country, and thereby distinguishing a Fourteenth Amendment “citizen” of the United States “at birth” from an Article II “natural born citizen” of the United States).

So, a natural born citizen was defined under the common law, which was American common law and not English common law, and not by any naturalization Act of Parliament or Congress.  While an Act of Congress did not created the definition of a natural born citizen, examining what our early Congress did in the area of naturalization provides valuable insight into the definition of a natural born citizen and confirms that the Framers got their definition of a natural born citizen from the law of nations and not the English common or statutory law.  As we have seen, a natural born citizen is not a naturalized citizen.  It would be absurd to contend that a “naturalized” citizen is a “natural born” citizen, as absurd as saying that one’s adopted child (so created by positive law) is one’s natural child (so recognized only by his or her birth circumstances).  So anything that could be said about a naturalized citizen does not nor could it change the meaning of a natural born citizen.  If anything, knowing what a naturalized citizen is confirms what a natural born citizen is and what it is not.  Who the Framers viewed to need naturalization confirms who they held to be the natural born citizens.  As we shall see, the only person who the Framers viewed as not needing any form of naturalization was a child born in the United States to parents who were U.S. citizens at the time of the child’s birth.  These children were the “natives, or natural-born citizens.”  Minor v. Happersett (1875).  Since under the common law doctrine of coverture both parents were either citizens or aliens, “parents” could only mean a father and mother who were both U.S. citizens.  Also, at common law “children” meant legitimate children.  So the Framers in the end required that both the married father and mother be U.S. citizens at the time of their child’s birth in the United States in order for their child to be a natural born citizen.  If a child was born to an alien father, that meant that he or she was born to a father and mother who were both aliens which in such case the minor child, under the naturalization Acts of Congress then to be in effect, would have needed to naturalize after birth either derivatively once the parents naturalized or on his or her own upon reaching the age of majority. 

IV.  THE NATURALIZATION ACTS OF CONGRESS

Let us now examine the early naturalization Acts of Congress.  Under the common law that had prevailed in the colonies and which continued to prevail in the new states, aliens could not inherit property.  Additionally, a number of children of U.S. citizens were born out of the United States during the American Revolution.  Hence, the Americans followed the English model and passed the Naturalization Act of 1790 (1 Stat. 103), which is our nation's first naturalization Act.  These naturalization Acts did not change the common law.  Rather, they abrogated it to the extent that they could constitutionally.  In Great Britain, Parliament had no constitutional constraints as it was and continues to be supreme.  But in the United States, Congress could only exercise those limited powers given to it by the Constitution.[2]  As its title and stated purpose, “An Act to establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization,” clearly and plainly proclaimed, this Act was no more than a naturalization Act passed by the First Congress under its Article I, Section 8, Clause 4 naturalization powers "[t]o establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization . . . throughout the United States." The First Congress, which contained many Founders and Framers, including then-Representative James Madison, saw the need to naturalize children born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents.  If it did not see that need, there is no reason why it would have passed any naturalization statute which reached those children.  This would be consistent with Congress not passing any naturalization statute reaching children born in the United States to U.S. citizen parents who we shall see were the natural born citizens and not in need of any naturalization.  To naturalize children born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents, children who were aliens under the common law, the First Congress, with the approval of President George Washington, passed the Naturalization Act of 1790.  There it said that those children "shall be considered as natural born citizens."  While these children were born to a father and mother who were U.S. citizens, they were not born in the United States.  They therefore could not be natural born citizens.  But Congress sought to make them citizens of the United States and said that they shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and rights as the natural born citizens, provided that their U.S. citizen fathers had been residents in the United States prior to the child’s birth.  With these children not being natural born citizens, the privileges, immunities, and rights that Congress gave to them did not nor could it include the privilege of being elected President.

But the Constitution gives to Congress in matters of citizenship only the power to make uniform the rules of naturalization.  Since in such matters, the Constitution gives Congress only power over naturalization and naturalization does not reach nor can it reach the meaning of a natural born citizen, Congress has no power to change the meaning of a natural born citizen.  If Congress wants to change that definition, it must do so through a duly ratified constitutional amendment.  This means that Congress cannot through any of its naturalization Acts add or subtract to the class of natural born citizens by either expanding or limiting the definition of the clause by including less or more birth circumstances.   

By attempting in its 1790 Act to declare persons born out of the United States to “be considered as natural born citizens,” Congress exceeded those powers and passed what could be ruled to be an unconstitutional Act.  Consider that in Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Congress’s Judiciary Act of 1789 was unconstitutional in how it gave to the Supreme Court original jurisdiction over a mandamus action.  Hence, Congress could also have acted illegally in giving to itself powers to define a natural born citizen which it did not have under the Constitution.  Another problem with the Naturalization Act of 1790 was that, if Congress did not intend to expand who could be a natural born citizen, it nevertheless created confusion as to whether children born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents were under the Constitution eligible to be President since the statute did say that children born out of the United States to U.S. citizens “shall be considered as natural born citizens.” Probably to avoid any constitutional problem and to make matters clear, the Third Congress in 1795, with the leadership of then-Representative James Madison and with the approval of President George Washington, through the Naturalization Act of 1795, repealed the Act of 1790, and changed "shall be considered as natural born citizens" to "shall be considered as citizens of the United States." Clearly, President Washington and early Congress, which included Madison and other Founders and Framers, informed that there was to be no confusion or doubt that those children were not natural born citizens.  In fact, through the surgical language change, they told us that they were citizens of the United States, but not natural born citizens. 

So after repealing that Act and replacing it with the Naturalization Act of 1795, in the latter Act, rather than using the same words “shall be considered as natural born citizens,” Congress replaced them with “shall be considered as citizens of the United States.”  Defining the citizens of the United States through its naturalization powers was perfectly acceptable under the Constitution and except when it referred to who shall be considered as natural born citizens, that is what the 1790 Act had done.  Clearly such exercise of power fell under Congress’s power to establish a uniform the rule of naturalization throughout the United States and the exercise of that power did not fall upon the natural born citizens, but rather upon persons who were otherwise aliens and who the nation through Congress adopted as citizens of the United States.  In fact, the 1790 Act was the first and last time that Congress ever in any naturalization Act mentioned the natural born citizens.  Starting with the 1795 Act and continuing to the present naturalization Acts, Congress never again referred to the natural born citizens. 

Congress, to the present day, has never again in any of its naturalization Acts referred to children born out of the United States to one of two U.S. citizen parents in any way as natural born citizens.  Congress has therefore, if not already in 1790 then since 1795, made it abundantly clear that such children are citizens of the United States at birth, but not natural born citizens.  This demonstrates that reliance upon the Naturalization Act of 1790 to make someone a natural born citizen is misplaced. 

The law that applies in determining whether someone born outside of the U.S. is a citizen of the U.S. is very complex.  It has continuously changed since the First Congress passed our nation's first naturalization Act, that of 1790. The law that was in effect when the child was born is the law that controls. Generally, the changes have focused on whether the child was born to one or two U.S. citizen parents, whether the citizen parent was the father or mother (the 1790, 1795, 1802, 1804 Acts required U.S. citizen parents and the 1855 Act referred to U.S. citizen fathers only), whether the citizen father resided in the United States (started as early as 1790), whether the child was born in wedlock or out of it (started in 1940), and whether the child came back to the U.S. and started to reside (started May 24, 1934) or later at least be physically present (started in 1952).  Congress’s conditions for being accepted as a citizen of the U.S. at birth are called condition precedent or condition subsequent. 

As stated, Congress's naturalization Acts did not permit a child born out of the U.S. prior to May 24, 1934 to a U.S. citizen mother and an alien father to acquire U.S. citizenship at birth.  Starting on that date, children born out of the U.S. to U.S. citizen mothers and alien fathers, satisfying all conditions precedent and subsequent, were adopted under the naturalization Acts of Congress as citizens of the U.S. at birth and remained so. Hence, if Cruz was born on May 24, 1934 to a U.S. citizen mother and an alien father, satisfying all conditions precedent and subsequent, he would have been under an Act of Congress a citizen of the U.S. at birth and remained one.  This is not to say that he was a natural born citizen under the Constitution, who needs no such naturalization Act of Congress to be recognized as a citizen of the U.S. at birth. 

It is telling to consider in this connection that the 1934 Act imposed for the first time retention requirements (condition subsequent) if the parents were not both U.S. citizens.  In such case, the child had to continuously reside in the U.S. for at least five years immediately before turning 18 years of age and take the oath of allegiance within six months after turning 21.  The 1952 Act continued this retention requirement, although it changed it from residency to continuous physical presence.  That Act required the child to be continuously physically present in the U.S. for at least five years between the ages of 14 and 28. Later statutes liberalized the retention requirement until it was totally removed by the more modern naturalization statutes.  This meant that a child could be born a citizen of the U.S. but then lose that citizenship if he or she did not satisfy that subsequent residency or physical presence requirement. 

Cruz says that he is a natural born citizen because he was born a citizen under the 1952 Act.  Imagine if he did not move to the U.S. at age 4 as he did, thereby satisfying the retention residency requirement.  In default thereof, he would have lost U.S. citizenship with which he was born in 1970.  See Bellei v. Rogers, 401 U.S. 815 (1971) (§ 301(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which provides that one who acquires United States citizenship by virtue of having been born abroad to parents, one of whom is an American citizen, who has met certain residence requirements, shall lose his citizenship unless he resides in this country continuously for five years between the ages of 14 and 28 is constitutional).  Now ask yourself how could a natural born citizen lose his or her citizenship by not residing in the U.S. for a certain period of his or her life?  The question is pregnant with the answer.  Congress simply does not have the power to take away a natural born citizen's citizenship in such a fashion.  This alone proves that the U.S. through a naturalization Act of Congress adopted Cruz as a naturalized citizen of the U.S. at birth and that he is not a natural born citizen.  

So, we have seen that Congress has as early as 1790 passed naturalization Acts naturalizing people who were not natural born citizens under the common law (either not born to U.S. citizen parents or not born in the United States or both). Congress adopted these persons as citizens of the United States, either at birth or after birth. If they were born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents, they were adopted as citizens of the United States at birth. If they were born in or out of the United States to alien parents, they could naturalize after birth. 

V.  THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1866

In 1868 Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866 which provided in pertinent part that all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, were “citizens” of the United States. This statute increased the citizens of the United States only for free blacks whose ancestors had been slaves. These free blacks were born in the United States. Their ancestors had long lost allegiance to any foreign power. Hence, their children were born not subject to any foreign power. Their parents were not viewed as aliens. Their children born to them in the United States qualified to be citizens of the United States under the statute.

VI.  THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT

The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified in 1868. It provided that all persons born in the United States and “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” are “citizens” of the United States. U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark (1898) held that such persons are “citizens” of the United States from the moment of birth and included children born in the United States to alien parents who were domiciled and permanently residing in the United States and neither foreign diplomats nor military invaders. As we can see, the Amendment caused expansion of U.S. citizenship to children born in the United States to alien parents. But these new citizens were not natural born citizens under the common law.

A natural born citizen is a citizen of the United States “by birth” alone and necessarily becomes a citizen “at birth.”   So, he or she is a citizen “at birth” due to his or her birth circumstances and nothing more like a positive law.  In other words, it is the birth circumstances alone that make one a natural born citizen, not the fact that one became a citizen at birth, which is only a necessary consequent (but not a sufficient condition) of being a natural born citizen and which can occur due to the force of the operation of law.    Congressional Research Attorney, Jack Yet, Maskell, maintains that all persons who are citizens “at birth” or “by birth,” regardless of where born, to whom born, or by what means the status was acquired, are natural born citizens.  There is no historical or legal evidence for Maskell’s thesis.  On the contrary, what our U.S. Supreme Court has explained about who is a citizen by mere birth and who is a naturalized citizen demonstrates Maskell’s thesis to be erroneous.

Saying that someone is a citizen “at birth” or “by birth” does not define a natural born citizen, for the expression is devoid of the birth circumstances which make one a citizen at birth or by birth.  The definition of a natural born citizen needs birth circumstances.  As we have seen, those circumstances are birth in the United States to U.S. citizen parents.

The fact that one became a citizen at birth does not mean that one became such a citizen by the mere act of birth and therefore is a natural born citizen.  It also does not mean that one is necessarily not naturalized and therefore a natural born citizen.  U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark (1898) explained: 

The Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution, in the declaration that

all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside,

contemplates two sources of citizenship, and two only: birth and naturalization. Citizenship by naturalization can only be acquired by naturalization under the authority and in the forms of law. But citizenship by birth is established by the mere fact of birth under the circumstances defined in the Constitution. Every person born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, becomes at once a citizen of the United States, and needs no naturalization. A person born out of the jurisdiction of the United States can only become a citizen by being naturalized, either by treaty, as in the case [p703] of the annexation of foreign territory, or by authority of Congress, exercised either by declaring certain classes of persons to be citizens, as in the enactments conferring citizenship upon foreign-born children of citizens, or by enabling foreigners individually to become citizens by proceedings in the judicial tribunals, as in the ordinary provisions of the naturalization acts.

Wong Kim Ark, at 702-03. 

Wong Kim Ark explained that there are only two sources of citizenship, by birth or by naturalization.  Citizenship by birth is established by the mere fact of birth under the circumstances specified in the common law that was incorporated into the Constitution or under circumstances as specified in the Fourteenth Amendment.  Every person born in the United States to citizen parents (the common law requirement) and every person born in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof (the Fourteenth Amendment requirement), becomes at once a citizen of the United States, and needs no naturalization after birth. The former is a “natural born citizen” of the United States under the common law (Minor v. Happersett (1875)) and the latter is a “citizen” of the United States at birth by virtue of the Fourteenth Amendment.  Wong Kim Ark.    As we can see from Wong Kim Ark, a person born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States cannot become a citizen of the United States by the mere fact of birth under the birth circumstances specified in the common law or the Fourteenth Amendment.  Rather, such a person can only become a citizen of the United States by naturalization, i.e., either by the birth circumstances specified in an Act of Congress declaring children born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States to U.S. citizen parents to be citizens of the United States at birth or allowing persons born out of the United States to alien parents to become citizens of the United States after birth, or by treaty declaring persons born out of the United States to alien parents to be citizens of the United States after birth (applicable in the case of the annexation of foreign territory or to American Indians in the past).  

Furthermore, Wong Kim Ark commented on both those born in the United States who become citizens of the United States at birth and those born out of the United States who also become citizens of the United States at birth.  It explained that the former are made citizens automatically at birth by virtue of the common law or of the Fourteenth Amendment.  It added that those children did not need naturalization by Congress, either at birth or after birth.  It also said that while the latter are also made citizens at birth, because a naturalization Act of Congress was the means by which that status was acquired, that child was a naturalized citizen.  Hence, even though the child became a citizen of the United States automatically at birth and did not need to go through any naturalization process after birth to be adopted a citizen of the United States, the Court still held that child to be naturalized albeit at birth.  So, what the Court looked to for determining if the child was a naturalized citizen was not whether the child had to go through any naturalization process after birth in order to be a citizen, but rather whether it was an Act of Congress that made that child a citizen of the United States at birth.  The fact that the child became a citizen of the United States at birth did not mean that the child was not naturalized.  Only if the child became a citizen at birth by virtue of either the common law or the Fourteenth Amendment was the child not naturalized by an Act of Congress.  If the child obtained his or her at birth status by virtue of a naturalization Act of Congress, then the child was naturalized, even if the child did not have to complete any other naturalization process after birth.  In other words, that child needing a naturalization Act of Congress to be a citizen of the United States at birth was naturalized at birth by that very Act. 

Wong Kim Ark demonstrates that simply being a citizen of the United States at birth does not mean that it was birth alone that gave that child the right to be a citizen at birth.  In the case of children born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States, it is a naturalization Act of Congress that confers that right, not the mere fact of birth.  It also shows that simply being a citizen of the United States at birth does not mean that one was not naturalized.  This means that being a citizen of the United State at birth does not necessarily mean that one is a natural born citizen, for that child can still be a naturalized citizen which is not nor can such a citizen be a natural born citizen.    

So being a citizen by birth with no need to rely upon a naturalization Act of Congress is reserved only to those who are born under circumstances prescribed by the Constitution.  If one satisfies the circumstances prescribed by the common law, one is a natural born citizen.  If one satisfies the circumstances prescribed by the Fourteenth Amendment, one is a citizen of the United States at birth which is not the equivalent of a natural born citizen.  The status of being a citizen of the United States at birth is available to natural born citizens and citizens of the United States at birth under the Fourteenth Amendment or Act of Congress.  But being a citizen at birth does not mean one was not naturalized, for of all the citizens at birth only those who are born in the territory and jurisdiction of the United States are not naturalized by an Act of Congress.    

VII.  CHILDREN BORN ABROAD TO DIPLOMATS OR IN THE ARMIES OF THE STATE

The case of John McCain also does not help Cruz.  Under the common law, the status of birth in the country is also extended to children born physically out of the territory of the United States to U.S. citizen parents who are on diplomatic service for or serving the military of the United States.  These children are “reputed born” in the United States and do not need a naturalization Act of Congress to make them citizens of the United States.  See Vattel, § 217. “Children born in the armies of the state or in the house of its minister at a foreign court. For the same reasons also, children born out of the country, in the armies of the state, or in the house of its minister at a foreign court, are reputed born in the country; for a citizen who is absent with his family, on the service of the state, but still dependent on it, and subject to its jurisdiction, cannot be considered as having quitted its territory.”).  John McCain was born outside the territory of the United States (in Panama), but not outside its jurisdiction, to U.S. citizen parents serving the national defense of the United States.  Because his parents, serving the armies of the United States, are considered as not having voluntarily quitted the territory of the United States and as remaining under the jurisdiction of the United States, their son born to them in the foreign territory is reputed born in the United States.  Hence, McCain was born "in" the United States to U.S. citizen parents.  He is therefore a natural born citizens. Cruz’s parents had voluntarily left the United States to pursue private economic interests in Canada.  Neither Cruz’s father nor mother were serving the national defense of the United States (serving in the military or some other comparable capacity) while in Canada.   So, while in Canada, Cruz’s parents were under the strict jurisdiction of Canada and not that of the United States.  Additionally, Cruz’s father was an alien.  Hence, Cruz cannot benefit from the McCain rule. 

Hence, a natural born citizen needs neither the Fourteenth Amendment nor any naturalization Act of Congress to be a citizen at birth.  It is the person’s birth circumstances alone, birth in the country to citizen parents, which make the person a natural born citizen. 

VIII.  THE JACK MASKELL THESIS


Maskell maintains in his new January 11, 2016 article as he did in his earlier edition that "the traditional, historical, and legal meaning" of a natural born citizen is "one who is entitled to U.S. citizenship 'by birth' or 'at birth.' This would include those born 'in' the United States and under its jurisdiction (i.e. 'native' born), even those born to alien parents; those born abroad to U.S. citizen-parents; or those born in other situations meeting legal requirements for U.S. citizenship 'at birth.' Such term, however, would not include a person who was not a U.S. citizen by birth or at birth, and who was thus born an 'alien' required to go through the legal process of 'naturalization' to become a U.S. citizen." https://www.scribd.com/doc/295658863/Qualifications-for-President-and-the-Natural-Born-Citizenship-Eligibility-Requirement-Congressional-Research-Service-R42097-2016#scribd  .  

Maskell's definition of a natural born citizen is anything but "traditional" and "historical."  Rather, it is a revisionist definition of the clause, a product of the "living constitution" existing in his mind and not that of the Framers.  The Maskell argument, among many of its defects, blatantly ignores the text and structure of Article I and II and this constitutional law.  Apart from erroneously believing that “at birth” means the same thing as “by birth,” Maskell also ignores that due to one’s birth circumstances one may still need either the Fourteenth Amendment (if born in the United States) or a naturalization Act of Congress (if born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States) to be made a citizen, regardless of whether those positive laws make or adopt one as a citizen at birth or after birth. Wong needed the Fourteenth Amendment to make him a citizen of the United States because while he was born in the United States, he was not born to U.S. citizen parents.  Cruz himself needs a naturalization Act of Congress to adopt him as a citizen of the United States birth without which he would have been an alien at birth.  In other words, in those cases it is still either the Fourteenth Amendment or a naturalization statute which determines and controls whether someone is or is not a citizen, regardless of whether the Amendment or statute makes or adopts one a citizen at birth or after birth.  The need for the Amendment or statute does not disappear simply because the Amendment or statute itself makes or adopts one as a citizen at birth.  If not for that Amendment or naturalization statute, one being made or adopted a citizen at birth would be an alien. As to persons born out of the United States, see, for example, U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark (explained that one born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents, not being a citizen at common law can only be a naturalized citizen through a naturalization Act of Congress and that if it were not for a naturalization Act of Congress, he or she would be an alien and not a citizen);  Montana v. Kennedy, 366 U.S. 308 (1961) (explained that if a child is not born in the country, the child needs a naturalization Act of the sovereign authority to make that child for all intents and purposes a citizen and without such naturalization the child would be an alien); Rogers v. Bellei, 401 U.S. 815 (1971)  (a person born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents can be a citizen of the United States only if Congress allows it through one of its naturalization acts and such person therefore becomes a citizen of the United States “at birth” through naturalization without which the person would be an alien); Miller v. Albright, 523 U.S. 420 (1998) (“There are ‘two sources of citizenship, and two only: birth and naturalization.’ United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, 702 (1898). Within the former category, the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution guarantees that every person ‘born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, becomes at once a citizen of the United States, and needs no naturalization.’ 169 U.S., at 702. Persons not born in the United States acquire citizenship by birth only as provided by Acts of Congress. Id., at 703.”).  Miller did not say for persons born out of the United States, like it did for persons born in the United States who become at once citizens of the United States, that they did not need naturalization.  On the contrary, it said that those persons become citizens of the United States “by birth only as provided by Acts of Congress.”  So, it is not “by birth” alone.  Rather, it is “by birth as provided by Acts of Congress.”  All these decisions by our U.S. Supreme Court demonstrate that, regardless of whether one is made or adopted a citizen by the Fourteenth Amendment or naturalized at birth or after birth by a naturalization Act of Congress, one is still made and adopted as a citizen by the Amendment or naturalized by the statute without which the person would be an alien. 

Maskell argues that someone who became a citizen of the United States at birth is not a naturalized citizen of the United States because Congress tells us so in its naturalization statutes.  He points to 8 U.S.C. sec. 1101(a) (23) and provides this quote:  “The term ‘naturalization’ means the conferring of nationality of a state upon a person after birth, by any means whatsoever.”  Maskell errs on several fronts.  First, Maskell leaves out the beginning part of statutory definition which provides:  “(a) As used in this chapter-- . . . (23) The term ‘naturalization means the conferring of nationality of a state upon a person after birth, by any means whatsoever.”  So Congress provided that definition of naturalization only for purposes of a chapter in its own naturalization statutes and not for purposes of the Constitution.  Second, Congress’s definition is not for the purpose of demonstrating how the Constitution defines naturalization, which as we have seen is much broader than how Congress defines it for purposes of its own statutes.  Needless to say, the Constitution controls what the definition of naturalization is, not Congress.  Congress could not through such acts change who the Constitution views as being naturalized.  Again, the Constitution relies upon the common law the nomenclature with which the Framers were familiar to define a natural born citizen.  Under that common law, all children born in a country to parents who were it citizens were citizens as were the parents.  These were the “natives, or natural-born citizens.”  Minor.  Minor also explained that under that common law all the rest of the people were “aliens or foreigners,” who could be naturalized as citizens of the United States under the naturalization Acts of Congress.  As we can see, the Constitution’s definition of naturalization is broader than that provided by Congress in its naturalization Acts.  Under the Constitution, anyone who is not a natural born citizen is in need of naturalization if that person wants to be a citizen of the United States.
 
Maskell also argues that Cruz is a natural born citizen under § 301(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, a naturalization Act of Congress that adopts children born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents.  But that naturalization Act was not around when the Framers wrote the Constitution in 1787.  It therefore cannot possibly determine the definition of a natural born citizen.  Furthermore, the statute is a naturalization Act of Congress passed by it under its naturalization powers.  It therefore cannot possibly make anyone a natural born citizen.  Finally, the plain and clear text of the Act demonstrates that it adopts persons to be "citizens" of the United States, not "natural born citizens" of the United States.  Hence, the statute does not do what Cruz supporters wish it to do.  On the other hand, it the statue could be interpreted to make anyone born out of the United States a natural born citizen, then there is a constitutional question whether Congress has such power under its power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization throughout the United States. 

We have seen what the Constitution’s definition of a natural born citizen is.  Both Minor v. Happersett (1875) and U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark (1898) confirm that the Framers’ definition was a child born in the United States to U.S. citizen parents.   Hence, the Framers made a critical constitutional distinction between a "citizen" and a "natural born citizen."   The only birth circumstances allowing a child to be a natural born citizen were birth in the United States to parents who were both its citizens.   In contrast, “citizens” were everyone else born under different birth circumstances and who were nevertheless made citizens by a naturalization Act of Congress or treaty.  Later on in our history, Congress expanded those birth circumstances and thereby made more “citizens” through the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Fourteenth Amendment.  These latter enacted laws allowed children born in the United States to alien parents to also qualify as citizens of the United States “at birth” (not to be conflated, confounded, and confused with the natural born citizens).  Our U.S. Supreme Court has for years established that anyone who is born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents is a naturalized citizen of the United States, but only by virtue of a naturalization Act of Congress and in default thereof an alien at birth.  They are not "native-born citizens" under the Amendment.  Hence, being naturalized and not even meeting the Fourteenth Amendment’s minimum constitutional standard of citizenship, i.e., born in the United States while subject to its jurisdiction, they are not nor can they be natural born citizens, who represent the ceiling standard of U.S. citizenship. 

Congress has the power under the Constitution to "establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization. . . throughout the United States" and that under that power Congress creates "at birth" citizenship.  Before any constitutional question can be analyzed as to whether one is a natural born citizen, one must first demonstrate that one is at least a citizen of the United States "at birth" under one of these statutes.  But satisfying any such statutory definition does not mean that one has satisfied the Constitution's definition of a natural born citizen.  The 1790 Naturalization Act said that children born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States to U.S. citizen parents “shall be considered as natural born citizens."  That the statute  required, however, that both parents be U.S. citizens.  We know that the statute was repealed by the 1795 Naturalization Act which said that those same children “shall be considered as citizens of the United States,” hence removing the earlier use of “natural-born citizens.”  Evidently, Congress, with the lead of James Madison and with the approval of President Washington, concluded that there should not be any confusion as to whether those children were actually natural born citizens.  

The naturalization Act of Congress that applies to Cruz who was born in 1970 is § 301(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952.  Hence, even if Cruz can satisfy all the conditions of this statute, the question still remains whether his "at birth" status under the statute satisfies the constitutional definition of a natural born citizen.  If Cruz does not satisfy the statutory requirements, then we never get to the constitutional question.  If Cruz does satisfy all the conditions of the statute which makes him a citizen of the United States “at birth,” we then have to examine if the statute defines a natural born citizen.  If it does not, we do not get to any constitutional question.  We have seen that Congress’s naturalization statutes contain very specific requirements (condition precedent and condition subsequent) which Congress has changed throughout our history.  Our law provides that for persons born out of the United States, U.S. citizenship is determined by the statute in effect at the time of the person’s birth, unless a later law changes that person’s birth status retroactively. Montana v. Kennedy, 366 U.S. 308, 312 (1961).  See also 7 U.S. Department of State Foreign Affairs Manual 1131.1-2 (“The law applicable in the case of a person born abroad who claims citizenship is the law in effect when the person was born, unless a later law applies retroactively to persons who had not already become citizens”).  This rule alone tells us that a naturalization Act cannot serve as the basis for making one a natural born citizen.  Surely, the Framers did not expect the definition of a natural born citizen to change over time at the whim of Congress without a constitutional amendment.

If the Congressional statute can be interpreted to mean that Congress intended to include children that it makes as "citizens of the United States "at birth" under its statutes to be the equivalent to the natural born citizens, then we have to analyze whether the statute is unconstitutional, for Congress only has power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization throughout the United States. Both the 1790 and 1795 Naturalization Acts demonstrate that Congress's early naturalization Acts did not define a natural born citizen and that Congress made it clear that it never intended to do so.  Congress has never again even mentioned the clause "natural born citizen" in any of its naturalization Acts and there does not exist any evidence from any Congressional activity that Congress through any one of its naturalization Acts ever intended to define a natural born citizen through one of its naturalization Acts.  Hence, showing that one is a citizen of the United States "at birth' under a naturalization Act of Congress does not establish that one is a natural born citizen.  Even if it did, the question then is whether that naturalization statute is constitutional given how the Constitution defines a natural born citizen under a specific set of birth circumstances.  Given that Congress in matters of citizenship has power only to establish a uniform rule of naturalization throughout the United States, any attempt by Congress to add by statute rather than by constitutional amendment additional birth circumstances and therefore people who may be natural born citizens and therefore eligible to be President would be an unconstitutional exercise of Congress’s naturalization powers.
    
IX.  THE CASE OF WINSTON CHURCHILL

The case of Winston Churchill, born in Great Britain like Cruz born in Canada, demonstrates nicely the impact that a naturalization Act can have on one’s life and how it was a naturalization statute and not his birth circumstances alone that made Cruz a citizen of the United States “at birth.”   Cruz, born in Canada to a U.S. citizen mother and a non-U.S. citizen father, can be Prime Minister of Canada, like Winston Churchill, born in Great Britain to a U.S. citizen mother and a British citizen father, was Prime Minister of Great Britain. See Mario Apuzzo, "If Winston Churchill Was Not Even a Citizen of the United States, How Can Ted Cruz Be Its Natural Born Citizen,?" available at http://puzo1.blogspot.com/2016/01/if-winston-churchill-was-not-even.html  . Churchill was not even a citizen of the United States, let alone a natural born citizen because when he was born in 1874 there was no naturalization Act of Congress in place making him a citizen.  Cruz got lucky because Congress in 1934 passed a naturalization Act (Act of May 24, 1934, § 1, 48 Stat. 797) which for the first time allowed a person born in a foreign country to a U.S. citizen mother and a non-U.S. citizen father to be a citizen of the United States.  That naturalization rule was carried forward in the Nationality Act of 1940 (H.R. 9980; Pub.L. 76-853; 54 Stat. 1137, enacted October 14, 1940) and the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1952 (Pub.L. 82–414, 66 Stat. 163, enacted June 27, 1952), the latter being the statute in effect when Cruz was born and without which, along with those of 1934 and 1940, Cruz would be an alien.  The critical point is that Cruz became a citizen by way of a naturalization statute.  Without that statute, he would have been an alien as was Churchill.  Needing a naturalization statutes to make him a citizen, Cruz is not nor can he be a natural born citizen.  With respect to whether he is a natural born citizen, it changes nothing that the naturalization statute made Cruz a citizen of the United States “at birth.”  It was not his birth that made him a citizen (Churchill had the same birth circumstances), but rather the naturalization statute. 

Churchill and Cruz were born under the same birth circumstances, both born in a foreign country to a U.S. citizen mother and a non-U.S. citizen father.  Why should Winston Churchill not be a natural born citizen and Ted Cruz be a natural born citizen when they were both born in a foreign country to U.S. citizen mothers and non-U.S. citizen fathers?  If Cruz is a natural born citizen, then Churchill should have been too and he should have known it.  But we know that Churchill was not and he also knew that.  If Churchill was not a natural born citizen, then neither is Cruz.  Cruz seizes upon the fact that Congress just happened to come along after Churchill was born and changed the naturalization Act which lucky for him, made him a citizen of the United States at birth.  But surely, that naturalization Act did not make the otherwise alien Cruz (which is what Churchill was) a natural born citizen.  Churchill honestly admitted that he was not a natural born citizen of the United States. But then Ted Cruz believes that he operates under different constitutional rules and that those different rules should apply to him merely because he wants to be President.  Cruz, being the constitutional scholar, conservative, and religious persons that he says he is, should just admit like Churchill that he is not eligible to be President of the United States and Commander in Chief of the Military without a constitutional amendment so providing.

So, we have seen, that one “did not have to take any steps or go through a naturalization process at some point after birth" does not prove that one is a natural born citizen.   The only thing it proves is that one is a “citizen” of the United States “at birth.” It does not prove that one is a citizen “by birth,” let alone that one is a natural born citizen.  It does not prove that one was a citizen “by birth” alone, which status is reserved under the Constitution only for persons born in the United States.  The latter include the “natural born citizens” of the United States under the common law and the “citizens” of the United States “at birth” under the Fourteenth Amendment, who if not also satisfying the natural born citizen birth circumstances, i.e., born in the country to citizen parents, are not natural born citizens. 

X.  ORIGINALIST INTERPRETATION V. THE LIVING CONSTITUTION

Some argue that we should not define a natural born citizen using the “originalist” approach to constitutional interpretation.  That approach looks to the meaning of terms and phrases that the Framers and Ratifiers gave to them at the time they adopted and ratified it.  Under constitutional originalism, today we are bound by the historical meaning that terms and phrases in the Constitution had when it was adopted and ratified.  These persons advocate for a “living Constitution,” one which evolves with time to meet the changing needs of American society.  They maintain that the original definition of the clause is too narrow and rigid and no longer serves its original purpose.  They maintain that one is not being “open minded” when one takes the original approach to constitutional interpretation.  There are several problems with this argument. 

First, the reason why societies pass laws is so that people can be guided by a code of conduct.  The text of those laws tell the people exactly what they can and cannot do.  It is that very text which brings certainty and predictability to human affairs.  The text of a law must be honored if we are to be guided by laws rather than by the whim of man.  As to the “living” Constitution, Justice Black, Douglas, and Marshall in their dissent in Bellei said it well: 

The Constitution, written for the ages, cannot rise and fall with this Court's passing notions of what is “fair,” or "reasonable," or "arbitrary." . . . This precious Fourteenth Amendment American citizenship should not be blown around by every passing political wind that changes the composition of this Court. . . . Of course the Court's construction of the Constitution is not a "strict" one. On the contrary, it proceeds on the premise that a majority of this Court can change the Constitution day by day, month by month, and year by year, according to its shifting notions of what is fair, reasonable, and right. There was little need for the founders to draft a written constitution if this Court can say it is only binding when a majority finds it fair, reasonable, and right to make it so. That is the loosest construction that could be employed. It is true that England has moved along very well in the world without a written constitution. But with complete familiarity with the English experience, our ancestors determined to draft a written constitution which the members of this Court are sworn to obey. While I remain on the Court, I shall continue to oppose the power of judges, appointed by changing administrations, to change the Constitution from time to time according to their notions of what is "fair" and "reasonable." I would decide this case not by my views of what is "arbitrary," or what is "fair," but rather by what the Constitution commands.

Id. at 837, 844-45. The Framers, Ratifiers, and the people have spoken.  The Constitution contains the natural born citizen clause and anyone wanting to be President and Commander in Chief must satisfy its requirements.  This clear command cannot be ignored simply because we want certain individuals to be eligible to be President today. 

Second, the Framers inserted the natural born citizen clause into presidential and commander eligibility so as to keep out of those offices foreign and monarchical influence.[3]  Any interpretation of the natural born citizen clause under a “living and breathing” Constitution, by expanding eligibility for the Office of President and Commander to others who were not natural born citizens in the eyes of the Framers, is an assault upon the Framers’ purpose for requiring future Presidents and Commanders that they be natural born citizens.  The same national security concerns regarding the Office of President and Commander in Chief of the Military exist today as they did when the Framers adopted and the Ratifiers ratified the Constitution.  Today as then we are concerned with foreign influence infiltrating our national government and particularly the Office of President and Commander in Chief of the Military.  If we are to give force to the Framers’ purpose for requiring future Presidents and Commanders to be natural born citizens, then we can only define the clause as they did when they drafted and adopted the Constitution. 

Third, we have seen the important national security purpose that the natural born citizen clause plays in our nation.  If we do not like the way the Framers defined a natural born citizen to achieve that purpose and given the important national security purpose that the clause serves, its meaning should be changed by constitutional amendment.  Passing such an amendment requires ratifying a constitutional amendment which will involve the consent of the nation.  

Fourth, there is no more need today than there was in 1787 to have children born out of the United States be found to be natural born citizens.  As we have children born out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents today, so did the Founding generation.  The situations that provided exceptions to the rule, birth outside the country to parents who were either serving the armies of the nation or in diplomatic service, apply today as they did then.  But the Founding generation did not see birth out of the United States to U.S. citizen parents who were out of the country on personal or private business as giving ground for their child to be found to be a natural born citizen.  There simply is nothing happening today which should compel a change in that regard without passing a constitutional amendment so providing for that change.  Today we cannot say that it no longer makes sense given our needs today to be bound by the original definition of a natural born citizen.  

So, we have seen that under the originalist approach to constitutional interpretation, Ted Cruz is not even a citizen of the United States, let alone a natural born citizen.  Under Congress’s naturalization powers, he is a citizen of the United States at birth, but only by virtue of a naturalization Act of Congress.  Congress in later years accepted citizen mothers as eligible to transmit their U.S. citizenship to their children born out of the country and it is that acceptance which makes Cruz a citizen of the United States at birth.  But that change has nothing to do with defining a natural born citizen.  Hence, today Ted Cruz is at most a “citizen” of the United States from the moment of birth only by virtue of a naturalization Act of Congress.  He is not and cannot be a natural born citizen.  There is no basis to the argument that the original definition of a natural born citizen should be abandoned and a more flexible one should be adopted because our needs today require it.  If the American people do not like the original definition of a natural born citizen, then let them change it with a duly ratified constitutional amendment.   

XI.  THE MEANING OF A NATURAL BORN CITIZEN AS BEING HOPELESSLY LOST

Finally, there are even some who argue that the natural born citizen clause is so ambiguous that it has been lost to history or that the Founders and Framers did not agree on any one particular definition of the clause.  They argue that the Founders and Framers were not precise in how they defined citizenship.  They argue that since the Founders and Framers did not give us a definition of the clause, we have no choice today but to give it one ourselves.  But there is no reason to just throw up our hands as if defeated by ignorance. The simple response to this argument is that sometimes interpreting the Constitution is not easy.  We saw in District of Columbia v. Heller 554 U.S. 570 (2008) what the U.S. Supreme Court had to do to determine the meaning of the Second Amendment right to bear arms, a clause that was never examined in the history of our nation.  The tools used by the Court can be used to interpret the meaning of the natural born citizen clause.  If fact, I have used those same tools here to interpret the natural born citizen clause.  I have examined the text and structure of the Constitution and presented historical and legal evidence, although not exhaustive given the need to keep this article as short as possible, that demonstrates how the Framers defined a natural born citizen.  The reader is able to decide whether the case has or has not been sufficiently made.  Knowing how the Framers and our nation originally defined the clause, there is no license to just give the clause whatever definition is convenient to those living in the politically charged environment of today.   
  
XII.  APPLICATION TO TED CRUZ, ALONG WITH BARACK OBAMA, MARCO RUBIO, BOBBY JINDAL, AND NIKKI HALEY

Given the Framers’ definition of a natural born citizen, Donald Trump is right and the Illinois Board of Elections is wrong. Ted Cruz is not an Article II “natural born citizen.”  He was born in a foreign nation, Canada, i.e., out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States, presumably to a U.S. citizen mother and an alien father.  Born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States to an alien father, the Framers at the time they drafted and adopted the Constitution would not have seen Cruz at his birth as a citizen of the United States, let alone a natural born citizen.  The Framers through the natural born citizen clause sought to provide a “strong check’ on foreign and monarchical influence infecting the highest office in the land.   Under the Naturalization Acts of 1790, 1795, 1802, 1804, and 1855, Cruz would have had to naturalize, either derivatively at the time his father’s  naturalization or on his own upon reaching the age of majority.  Such naturalization would have required his renouncing any allegiance to any foreign power.  Cruz was born with dual citizenship of the United States and Canada.  At the time of the ratification of the Constitution, Canada was part of the British Empire.  The Framers never would have permitted a person born in Canada and thereby a natural born subject of Great Britain to be eligible to be President and Commander in Chief of the Military.  Things are different with Canada today, but Canada is still a foreign nation and would have still been in the eyes of the Framers.  Cruz did not renounce the Canadian citizenship with which he was born until 2014, when he was 43 years old, and he wants to be elected President only two years after that renunciation. 

At best, under the applicable naturalization Act of Congress, if Cruz can prove that he satisfies all of its conditions, Cruz is a naturalized “citizen” of the United States “at birth” (not “by birth”) by virtue of the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1952 (undoubtedly a naturalization Act of Congress) without which he would have been born an alien.   But that is not the end of the story.  Cruz is a naturalized "citizen" of the United States "at birth," but only by virtue of a naturalization Act of Congress (The Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1952). He is not a natural born citizen as the Constitution defines that clause.  He is not an Article II "natural born citizen" "by birth" only by virtue of his birth circumstances, as recognized and confirmed by the common law to which the Framers looked to define a natural born citizen.  As we have seen only the birth circumstances of being born or reputed born in the United States to parents who were both U.S. citizens at the time of the child’s birth can make one a natural born citizen.  With that being the only definition of a natural born citizen under the Constitution, Congress, throughout our history and down to the present, did not nor did it intend to make anyone a natural born citizen under any of its naturalization Acts, including the one upon which Cruz relies for his “at birth” citizenship status.  The Act does not even mention a natural born citizen.  If Congress did so intend and the statute is read to do just that, then the statute is unconstitutional.  Hence, any interpretation of the statute as making anyone a natural born citizens is to give the statute an unconstitutional reach. 

Barack Obama,[4] Marco Rubio, Bobby Jindal, and Nikki Haley, all born in the United States to two alien parents, are also not natural born citizens.  They are all “citizens” of the United States “at birth” under the Fourteenth Amendment, but not Article II “natural born citizens” of the United States.  Having their alienage, as inherited through jus sanguinis from their alien parents, removed by the Fourteenth Amendment, they are in reality also naturalized “at birth,” although by the Fourteenth Amendment and not by a naturalization Act of Congress. 

XIII. CONCLUSION

Being neither “a natural born Citizen, [n]or a Citizen of the United States, at the Time of the Adoption of this Constitution,” Ted Cruz, Barack Obama, Marco Rubio, Bobby Jindal, and Nikki Haley are not constitutionally eligible to the Office of President.  Article II, Section 1, Clause 5.  For further analysis and discussion of the difference between a “citizen” of the United States and a “natural born citizen” of the United States, see Mario Apuzzo, A Citizen is One Thing, But a Natural Born Citizen is Another,    http://puzo1.blogspot.com/2015/11/a-citizen-is-one-thing-but-natural-born.html 

Mario Apuzzo, Esq.
February 5, 2016
http://puzo1.blogspot.com
####

Copyright © 2016
Mario Apuzzo, Esq.
All Rights Reserved  
 



ENDNOTES:

[1] On July 25, 1787, John Jay wrote a letter to then-General Washington, who was acting as president of the Constitutional Convention, stating:
"Permit me to hint, whether it would not be wise & seasonable to provide a strong check to the admission of Foreigners into the administration of our national Government; and to declare expressly that the Command in chief of the american army shall not be given to, nor devolve on, any but a natural born Citizen" (“born” underlined in the original).
http://rs6.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/hlaw:@field%28DOCID+@lit%28fr00379%29%29 .  John Jay reminded George Washington of the importance of remanding back to the original concerns of the people and offered his presentation, to which George Washington offered, verbatim, to the convention.  Alexander Heard and Michael Nelson, Presidential Selection 123 (Duke University Press 1987) via Google Books.  Jay demanded that there be a "strong check" on foreign influence infiltrating the national government in general and the Office of Commander in Chief of the Military specifically.  A natural born subject, which permitted dual and conflicting allegiance at birth, did not provide that strong check on foreign influence for which Jay was looking.  

[2] Jack Maskell erroneously argues in his updated article, Qualifications for President and the “Natural Born” Citizenship Eligibility Requirement (January  11, 2016), available at   https://www.scribd.com/doc/295658863/Qualifications-for-President-and-the-Natural-Born-Citizenship-Eligibility-Requirement-Congressional-Research-Service-R42097-2016#scribd  , that the English Parliament’s early naturalization Acts changed the common law and actually became common law.  He then makes the quantum leap in logic and says that therefore English common law accepted children born out of the King’s dominion to English subject parents to be natural born subjects.  From there he tells us, although without any historical or legal evidence to support his conclusion, that the Framers relied upon that English common law to define an Article II natural born citizen.  Through such a fallacious argument, he attempts to show that persons born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States to U.S. citizen parents are natural born citizens also under an “originalist” interpretation of the Constitution.  The simple answer to his flawed argument is that it was the English naturalization Acts themselves that naturalized those children born out of the King’s dominion to be treated for all intents and purposes as if they were natural-born subjects, not the English common law. 

[3] The historical record is replete with contemporaneous and later evidence that the Framers required future Presidents and Commanders to be free of monarchial and foreign influence.  One example from later years will suffice.  James Kent, explained in his 1 Commentaries on American Law  (8th ed. 1854)

The Constitution requires (a) that the President shall be a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, and that he shall have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and shall have been fourteen years a resident within the United States. Considering the greatness of the trust, and that this department is the ultimately efficient executive power in government, these restrictions will not appear altogether useless or unimportant. As the President is required to be a native citizen of the United States, ambitious foreigners cannot intrigue for the office, and the qualification of birth cuts off all those inducements from abroad to corruption, negotiation, and war, which have frequently and fatally harassed the elective monarchies of Germany and Poland, as well as the pontificate at Rome.

Id. at 293. 

Story first said that the President must be a “natural born citizen” and then later he said that he must be a “native citizen of the United States.”  As we shall see below, Vattel and the unanimous U.S. Supreme Court in Minor v. Happersett (1875) gave to “natives” the same meaning that they gave to “natural-born citizens,” i.e., born in the country to parents who were its citizens.  In later years, the expression “native-born citizen” took on the more limited meaning of born in the country while subject to its jurisdiction and which describes a citizen of the United States “at birth” under the Fourteenth Amendment.  See U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark (1898) (included as qualifying alien parents to whom a child is born in the United States to satisfy the jurisdiction requirement of the Fourteenth Amendment only those domiciled and permanently residing in the United States and who were neither foreign diplomats nor military invaders at the time of the child’s birth).  There is never any question that a child born in the country to citizen parents, i.e., a native, or natural born citizen, is born in the country while subject to its jurisdiction.  Hence, when it comes to “natives, or natural-born citizens,” there never is any need to engage in jurisdiction analysis as there is to determine whether one is a “native-born citizen” under the Fourteenth Amendment.  Nevertheless, there has been a tendency with courts, scholars, and commentators to conflate, confound, and confuse a native-born citizen under the Fourteenth Amendment with an Article II natural born citizen. 

[4] Never having presented an original or certified true copy of an original long-form birth certificate to any court in which he was sued, it is presumed that Obama was born in the United States.  Still, he is not an Article II natural born citizen because he was born to a U.S. citizen mother and an alien father.  If Obama was born out of the territory and jurisdiction of the United States like Cruz, he would have been a citizen of the United States only if a naturalization Act of Congress allowed it.  The law that applied at the time of Obama's birth on August 4, 1961 (which is the same law that applied to Cruz) required that his U.S. citizen mother have physical presence in the United State prior to Obama's birth for a period of at least 10 years, 5 of which were after she turned 14 years old.  Ann Dunham was only 18 when Obama was born.  Hence, she could not possibly have met the physical presence requirement demanded by the applicable naturalization Act (the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952). So, if Obama was not born in the United States, he would not have qualified, like Ted Cruz did whose mother was 35 years old when he was born, to be a naturalized citizen of the United States at birth under any naturalization Act of Congress. He would have had to become a naturalized citizen of the United States after birth through subsequent naturalization under one of those Acts.